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相关信件
致艾琳 (Eileen):
https://chineseamerican.org/p/31571
朱锟 (Kalos):
https://chineseamerican.org/p/31656
致艾琳、一涛、朱锟(Kalos)和全美国华人,
我是束骏杰,一名耶鲁大学新生。艾琳,读了你的公开信后,我更坚定的相信选择耶鲁是正确的,我很期待将来与你合作以实现我们所期望的改变。但是,你的公开信中的部分观点我无法赞同。我担心这些观点会在美国华裔乃至亚裔群体中引发分歧,导致大家无法达成共识并采取行动。在阅读了一涛和朱锟(Kalos)的深入答复后,我也希望表达一些我的想法。
艾琳,你说“我们今天所拥有的一切都归功于黑人的努力”,我不认同这种观点。这种说法是在淡化美国华裔在平权斗争中付出的努力。我们都知道,现今在美国出生的婴儿可以通过“落地国籍”原则自动获得美国国籍,但人们往往不了解黃金德(Wong Kim Ark)为了巩固这一权利所付出的巨大努力。类似的,在现今美国的公立学校中英语作为第二语言的教学已经十分普遍,但人们常常忽视在Lau v Nichols案中的美国亚裔的贡献。
围绕种族主义的斗争不管在过去还是将来,都不仅仅是黑人与白人之间的斗争。反种族主义斗争跟所有族裔都息息相关,需要所有人共同合作。如你所说,陈果仁(Vincent Chin)谋杀案引发的抗议活动正是这种跨种族合作的重要代表,但是这一符号恐怕已经被众多美籍华人——遑论其他族裔——所遗忘了。
在现今意识形态极端分裂的美国,我们见证了因种族主义带来的种种恶行:乔治·弗洛伊德(George Floyd)谋杀案、 因新冠引发的针对亚裔的仇恨,不一而足。在这种环境中保持缄默、拒绝发声、进而助长种族主义,是错误的。很多人都犯了这样的错误,这也包括很多美国华人。我们应该反思、批评我们之中保持沉默的人,但同时也要明确我们的立场。与其思考我们亏欠了什么,我们更应该把能量集中在为更好的美国做出贡献。
一涛,您指出针对美国华人的刻板印象是正确的。但是,这种理解同时也在传播和加深对其他群体的刻板印象。在把美国华裔的成功完全归功于中国文化的同时,我们也在暗示其他的群体缺乏这样“优越”的文化。这种思考方式在强调单一文化的优越性:因为我们的文化鼓励自力更生,鼓励努力工作和创业,所以美籍华裔便比其他群体要更优越。但正如朱锟(Kalos)所说,这样我们不也在暗示其他美国人对这些价值观不抱有类似的自豪感?若真是这样,为什么在西班牙,二代华人移民的学历却不如其他少数族裔[6]?西班牙华裔是否缺乏所谓让美籍华人成功的中华文化价值观?
为了正确解释美籍华人与其他少数族裔在成就上的差异,我们必须了解我们的起点,族群资本和种族主义的影响。艾琳提到了1965年的重要性:那一年移民政策的变化导致了对拥有高等教育的技术移民的偏爱。虽然美籍华人在美国有一段漫长而动荡的历史,我们大多数人今天能来到这个国家,也是这个政策的结果。
一涛,我毫不怀疑您和我们所有的第一代华裔父母一样,都为实现美国梦而付出了极大的努力。如您所说,许多一代移民在到达美国时几乎没有任何退路。但必须指出的是,尽管缺乏物质资源,这些一代移民其实已经拥了许多人没有的宝贵资源:高等教育。50%的美籍华裔移民拥有本科或更高学历,而在中国只有4%的人有相同的学历[5]。同时,只有5%的墨西哥裔美国移民拥有本科学历或更高学历,而17%的墨西哥裔拥有同样的学历。在全部美国人中,拥有本科或更高学历的也只有28%。
鉴于我们作为一个社区将教育作为未来成果的重要指标,您难道不认为在移民美国过程中所经历的严格筛选是我们集体成功的重要因素吗?另外,由于美国华人整体的教育水平较高,我们也可以通过共享资源来更好的支持教育水平相对落后的华人家庭。
与美国不同,在西班牙,只有40%的中国移民从高中毕业,而拥有本科或更高学历的人不到5%[6]。预计只有11.7%的二代中国西班牙人会获得大学学位,但在西班牙的所有少数族裔中这个数字是21.4%。尽管来自相同的文化背景,西班牙华裔和美国华裔在教育水平上存在明显差异。由此可见,中国文化不足以解释美国华裔的成功。
当我们比较子女和父母的教育水平时,我们发现在美国第二代拉丁裔比起他们的父母的进步最大[3],但是这一上升趋势并没有延续到他们的子女身上。这种现象,即第1.5代和第二代美国移民在教育上取得的巨大成功,在社会学中可以用移民乐观主义从两个角度解释。
首先,对于那些自愿来到美国的一代移民,在适应的过程中遇到的种种问题更像是暂时的,他们更有意愿去找到解决方案并克服挑战。而另一个角度令人沮丧: 移民后裔在争取美国梦的过程中遇到的种族歧视使他们对这个梦失望了。
与美国华人一样,韩裔及朝鲜裔是在美国也被视为“模范少数族裔”。但是在日本,韩国人和朝鲜人受到了类似黑人在美国受到的歧视。在小说《柏青哥》中,李敏进(Min-Jin Lee)含蓄地展示了这种种族主义的破坏性影响[4]。书中是这样描述一个在日本的朝鲜孩子的挫败感的:
摩撒知道他要变成为一个坏朝鲜人了。警察经常以偷窃或在家私自酿酒的罪名逮捕朝鲜人。每个礼拜,他住的那条街上都有人被警察抓走。诺亚说,一些朝鲜人违反了法律,所有朝鲜人都会背上恶名。在亚野区的每一个街区都有男人打老婆,每一个街区都有女孩子在酒馆里工作、为了钱出卖肉体。诺亚说朝鲜人必须努力工作,变得更好,借此提高形象。而摩撒只想把那些说脏话的人臭揍一顿。在亚野区,有一些丑陋的老女人骂街,还有一些男人喝得酩酊大醉,睡在屋外。日本人不希望朝鲜人住在自己家附近,因为他们很脏,和猪住在一起,孩子身上还有虱子。此外,还有人说朝鲜人还不如贱民,因为贱民至少还有日本血统。诺亚对摩撒说,他以前的老师都说他是优秀的朝鲜人。而摩撒明白,由于自己的学习成绩差,又不懂礼貌,那些老师一定认为摩撒是个糟糕的朝鲜人。
他妈的那又怎么样?如果其他十岁孩子认为他蠢,那也无所谓。如果他们认为他很暴力也无所谓。如果有必要的话,摩撒不怕把他们打得满地找牙。“你以为我是野兽”,摩撒想,“那么我就可以成为野兽,让你吃点苦头”。摩撒无意成为优秀的朝鲜人。那有什么意义?
在给艾琳和朱锟(Kalos)的回应里,很多人指出了这不仅是两代人之间的差异。在我这一代之中,许多人也持有不同的看法。是的,面对种族问题拒绝发声的问题不局限于一代或几代人。我们不能一概而论的宣称我们的父母都是种族主义者,也不能自诩是摆脱了偏见的“受过教育的精英”、使命是帮助父母摆脱种族主义的偏见。事情恐怕没有这么简单。
当然,我们不能否认不少美国华裔对黑人的种族主义歧视。估计所有人都听说过、甚至一些人还使用过“黑鬼”,这个词的存在和传播的广度就足以说明了美国华裔群体中有一部分人持有种族主义观点。
归纳总结与偏见之间的界限线模糊,我想我们每个人都曾越过这一界线。但是通过参与像这样的讨论和深入思考,我们大家可以共同努力,消除偏见,促进反种族主义思想,以创造我们所希望的更加平等、司法更加完善的、更好的美国。
奥巴马在2004年说,“不存在所谓黑人的美国、白人的美国、拉丁裔的美国、亚裔的美国 。只有一个美利坚合众国。” 他说:我们共同的美国公民身份比我们之间的差异更为重要 [1]。但是,乔治·弗洛伊德(George Floyd)谋杀案揭示的事实是,奥巴马对美国的描述并不是对现实的反映,而是对未来的展望。我们并不是第一次听到这样的愿望:亚布拉罕·林肯和马丁·路德·金都说过这样的话。改变需要时间,但是我也们也应该回想起40年前詹姆斯·鲍德温(James Baldwin)发出的质问[2]:“我还要等多久?”
一涛,我同意我们应该谴责骚乱带来的暴力和对小企业的破坏。如您所说,这些行动“完全不利于解决问题。” 但是,我们要分清暴徒和示威者。我们不能让暴动者的行动淹没了示威者的声音: 他们不愿继续忍耐了。暴动者的行动说明了问题的严重性,但我们不应过度关注暴动而忽略了真正重要的东西:为改革警察系统和反种族主义做出贡献。
祝好,
束骏杰 (Matthew Shu)
翻译: Shi Feng, 徐文骅 (Brian Xu)
To Eileen, Yitao, Kalos, and the Chinese American Community,
My name is Matthew Shu, and I am a rising freshman at Yale University. Eileen, your letter reaffirmed to me why I have chosen to attend Yale, and I hope to collaborate with you in the future to achieve the changes we both call for. However, I disagree with parts of your letter and I worry that similar disagreements have distracted others in the Chinese American and wider Asian American community from accepting your premise and call to action. After reading Yitao’s and Kalos’ thoughtful responses, I hope to add my voice to this discussion.
Eileen, I do not agree with the mindset that “we owe everything” to Black Americans. When we make this claim, we’ve discounted our own agency in the fight to make America a more equal society. We’ve overlooked how Wong Kim Ark’s struggle cemented for all Americans the right to birthright citizenship. We’ve forgotten how Asian Americans in Lau v Nichols fought for “English as a Second Language” programs to become widespread in America’s public schools. The struggle against racism is not and has never been the struggle of Black Americans on one side and White Americans on the other, with everyone else on the sidelines rooting for a particular side. As you accurately point out, the protests in the aftermath of Vincent Chin’s murder represent a powerful moment of interracial cooperation. But he is not remembered by most Americans. Asian Americans are not the only ones who have forgotten this symbol of cooperation.
In this divisive atmosphere, Asian Americans have not been the only ones complicit in this “kind of silence” in the aftermath of heinous racist acts—from George Floyd’s murder to COVID-19-fueled xenophobia. We must chastise those in our community who stay silent, but in remembering our past, we must also clarify our message. What we owe Black Americans and other protesters today is not a debt, but rather, further cooperation in movements to create a better America.
Yitao, you are correct in calling out stereotypes against Chinese Americans. However, I believe you have fallen victim to similar stereotypes about other communities, as well as our own. When we attribute the general success of Chinese Americans as a product of our Chinese culture, we are implying the inferiority of Black and Hispanic cultures. By holding this viewpoint, we suggest that Chinese Americans are superior to others because of the cultural values we hold of self-reliance, hard work, and entrepreneurship. But as Kalos notes, are we then suggesting that other Americans do not place similar pride in these values? If so, why do second-generation Chinese immigrants in Spain have lower educational attainment than all other Spanish minorities [6]? Are Chinese Spaniards somehow deficient in the Chinese cultural values you claim as the primary reason for Chinese American success?
To properly explain the disparities in achievement between Chinese Americans and other minorities, we must understand the effects of starting points, ethnic capital, and racism. Eileen mentions the importance of 1965, the year a change in immigration policy led to increased preference for highly skilled and educated immigrants. While Chinese Americans have had a long and tumultuous history in America, most of us today have come to the country as a result of this act.
Yitao, I do not doubt you and all of our first-generation Chinese American parents have worked extremely hard to achieve the American Dream. As you stated, many first-generation Chinese Americans had little to fall back on when they arrived in America. However, it is crucial to note that despite this lack of material resources, many first-generation Chinese Americans had a valuable resource: prior education. 50% of Chinese American immigrants have a Bachelor’s degree or higher while only 4% do in China [5]. Meanwhile, only 5% of Mexican American immigrants have a Bachelor’s degree or higher while 17% do in Mexico. In the general American population, only 28% have a Bachelor’s degree or higher. Given how much we as a community value education as an indicator for future outcomes, wouldn’t you agree this hyper-selectively among Chinese American immigrants is an important factor in our collective success? Because such a large proportion of our community is highly educated, we are also better able to support children from less educated families by sharing community resources.
Unlike in America, only 40% of Chinese immigrants in Spain have even graduated high school, and less than 5% have a Bachelor’s degree or higher [6]. Only 11.7% of second-generation Chinese Spaniards are expected to obtain a university degree, compared to 21.4% across all ethnic minorities in Spain. Despite sharing the same home culture, there is a clear discrepancy in educational attainment between Chinese Spaniards and Chinese Americans. Chinese culture is an inadequate explanation for Chinese American success.
When we measure success by the change in education level relative to parents, it is actually second-generation Hispanic Americans who are the most upwardly mobile [3]. Unfortunately, this upward trend does not continue to third-generation Hispanic Americans. Immigrant optimism is a hypothesis in sociology explaining this statistical observation that for some ethnic and racial groups, 1.5 and second-generation Americans achieve the greatest educational success. There are two reasons for this idea. The first is that voluntary immigrants to America see adjustment issues as temporary and are more willing to find solutions to overcome the challenges faced. The second, more depressing, reason is that later generations of minorities have become disillusioned by the racism they have encountered as they strive for the American Dream.
Like Chinese Americans, Korean Americans are another ethnic group in America seen as a “model minority.” But in Japan, Koreans are targeted similarly to Blacks in America. In her novel Pachinko, Min-Jin Lee poignantly shows the damaging effects of this racism [4]. Here is an excerpt capturing this frustration in a Korean-Japanese child:
Mozasu knew he was becoming one of the bad Koreans. Police officers often arrested Koreans for stealing or home brewing. Every week, someone on his street got in trouble with the police. Noa would say that because some Koreans broke the law, everyone got blamed. On every block in Ikaino, there was a man who beat his wife, and there were girls who worked in bars who were said to take money for favors. Noa said that Koreans had to raise themselves up by working harder and being better. Mozasu just wanted to hit everyone who said mean things. In Ikaino, there were homely old women who cussed and men who were so drunk that they slept outside their houses. The Japanese didn’t want Koreans to live near them, because they weren’t clean, they lived with pigs, and the children had lice. Also, Koreans were said to be even lower than burakumin because at least burakumin had Japanese blood. Noa told Mozasu that his former teachers had told him he was a good Korean, and Mozasu understood that with his own poor grades and bad manners, those same teachers would think Mozasu was a bad one.
So the ** what? If the other ten-year-olds thought he was stupid, that was okay. If they thought he was violent, that was okay. If necessary, Mozasu was not afraid to clean out all the teeth right from their mouths. You think I’m an animal, Mozasu thought, then I can be an animal and hurt you. Mozasu did not intend to be a good Korean. What was the point in that?
In the responses to Eileen’s and Kalos’ letters, I have seen many point out this is not only a generational divide, and that many in my generation hold differing views as well. You are correct. This is not a generational issue. It is not so simple as declaring that all our parents are racists and that we, the second generation educated elite, are above prejudices and here to save our parents from racist beliefs. It is preposterous, however, to deny that many Chinese Americans are racist towards Black Americans. Almost all of us have heard or even used the term 黑鬼 (hēi guǐ - black devil) as a slur. The simple existence of this term is evidence for the prevalence of racism within the Chinese American community.
The line between stereotypes and useful generalizations is a thin one, and there are times we have all crossed this line. But by engaging in more of the thoughtful dialogue Eileen’s letter has generated, we can all work together to dismantle our prejudices and promote anti-racist thinking in order to create the more equal, more judicial, and greater America we all call for.
When Obama declared in 2004, “there’s not a black America and white America and Latino America and Asian America; there’s the United States of America,” he claimed our shared American identity mattered more than our differences [1]. Yet, in light of George Floyd’s murder, it is clear just how much divides our country today. Perhaps it is better to see Obama’s words as a promise, another in a long line of promises made by great Americans like Abraham Lincoln and Martin Luther King Jr. Progress takes time, but as James Baldwin expressed over forty years ago [2]: “How much time do you want for your progress?”
Yitao, I too, do not condone the violence and damage done to small businesses as a result of these riots. As you say, these actions are “totally counter productive to solving the problems.” However, it is important to make a distinction between rioters and protestors. We can not let the actions of the rioters drown out the voices of the many more protestors who will not tolerate waiting anymore. The actions of rioters speak to the severity of the issues, but we must not let the debate over these rioters derail the necessity of making meaningful contributions toward police reform and anti-racism.
Best,
Matthew Shu (束骏杰)
参考文献:
[1] B. Obama, “Barack Obama’s Remarks to the Democratic National Convention,” The New York Times, Jul. 27, 2004.
[2] K. Thorsen, James Baldwin: How Much Time Do You Want For Your “Progress?”
[3] G. Kao and M. Tienda, “Optimism and Achievement: The Educational Performance of Immigrant Youth,” Social Science Quarterly, vol. 76, no. 1, pp. 1–19, 1995.
[4] Min Jin Lee, Pachinko. Grand Central Publishing, 2017.
[5] J. Lee and M. Zhou, The Asian American Achievement Paradox. Russell Sage Foundation, 2015.
[6] J. Yiu, “Calibrated Ambitions: Low Educational Ambition as a Form of Strategic Adaptation Among Chinese Youth in Spain,” International Migration Review, vol. 47, no. 3, pp. 573–611, 2013, doi: 10.1111/imre.12037
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